Pro-US Fans Executed Anti-UK Minister

Interview with Hussein Shah-Husseini

Seyyed Mohammad Sadiq Feiz
Translated by: Abbas Hajihashemi

2015-11-29


Seyyed Hussein Fatemi was executed on Wednesday, November 10, 1954 following a year of a joint coup orchestrated by the US and the UK against the national government in Iran.

The minister's verdict was issued by the military court and was carried out in Tehran.

According to Kermit Roosevelt, Fatemi, 37 at the time of the execution, was one of the brains behind the 1953 Iranian coup which toppled Mohammad Mossadeq, and was sentenced to death by the Shah prior to his capture.

Following the coup, he stayed in his hideout and was arrested by Colonel Moulavi on Thursday, February 25, 1954. He was once assassinated during the Mossadeq administration by Fedayeen Islam supporters and was once attacked by Shaban Bimoq gangs and government hooligans, during which he was badly injured and was only saved by his sister before he was taken care of at the army's hospital to be prepared for a kangaroo court.

He was later transferred to the military prison of Armed Corps II at Tehran Military Site by an order from the army prosecutor. He was then tried at a closed court which issued his death sentence ten days later to be carried out on Wednesday, November 10, 1954.

Fatemi was reputed to be at a constant war with the Brits but was sentenced to death by pro-US agents. His body is buried in Rey City, southern Tehran, beside the martyrs of Monday, July 20, 1952 incident

Seyyed Hossein Fatemi was the minister of foreign affairs of the administration of Mohammad Mossadeq. During the unsuccessful coup, he was detained by the guards for several hours. Immediately after his release, he delivered a fiery speech in the evening of the same day at Baharestan Square and had his daily, Bakhtar, reprinted that day. In his speech, he spoke about the necessity of the regime change in Iran. This turned out to incense the Shah who signed off his death penalty after the coup.

The Islamic Revolution Data Center has interviewed Hossein Shah-Husseini, one of the primary members of the "Iran National Front" and the "Council of the National Resistance Campaign" about the execution of Fatemi and the circumstances of that time. Following the Islamic Revolution in 1979, he served as the head of the Sports Organization and the National Olympic Committee.

The following is an excerpt of the interview:

 

-How did you know the late Fatemi?

I got to know him at the Iran National Front, but I was not directly related to him. He had a crucial role in the political campaigns for nationalization of the petroleum industry. At that time, I was a member of the national resistance campaign and was a member of the central council of the campaign.

 

-The campaign was formed following the failed 1953 Iranian coup?

Yes. In fact, it was established after the coup. Most of Dr. Fatemi's life shaped up after the coup. Before the coup, he had a suitable state position but after the coup and his capture by Shah's guards, he gained charisma in the Iranian society; otherwise he would have been frowned upon by the people for being a government lackey. The resistance campaign which participated in the 18th national assembly elections did not even put his name in the list of its candidates. Fatemi was serving in the prison at that time.

 

-But they were suspicious of him in an interval?

Yes, it was exactly that time. Dr. Fatemi's activities were reflected in the writings of Haj Seyyed Reza Zanjani in the prison and his editorials proved his bravery. This is despite the efforts by many to tarnish Fatemi's reputation as they put him responsible for deviation of the nationalist party before the coup. Fatemi had many things that made others envy his position; he was the youngest and the most trusted advisor to Dr. Mossadeq and enjoyed so much credibility in his cabinet. He launched this Bakhtar Emrouz daily right from his appointment in Mossadeq's cabinet and had it run by a friend of his, Mr. Haeri Zadeh.

 

-Where did his thinking spring from?

He was the son of a clergyman and grew up with strong Islamic beliefs that were prevalent in his writings. He would never use religion as a means for reaching his goals; never; he only acted based on his personal beliefs. He was never heard to be acting like his peers. Others would spend their time messing around but Fatemi always kept himself busy writing things to fight against British policies. His fight was nourished by his beliefs, indeed. He was intrinsically anti-dictatorship. He would never orchestrate his political activities with the interests of his time. He did what he deemed necessary. There were many of his comrades who shared his sensations but dared not act as he would. Fatemi founded his position very soon and grew very fast and identified the country's chief enemies and realized who he must fight against. He was brave, astute and, of course, a prolific writer

 

-Why did Dr. Mossadeq leave Fatemi alone?

No. Mossadeq never let go of Fatemi. He always took his advice wherever he went. Even when Fatemi was badly sick, Mossadeq took him to the Hague court as his advisor. He had so must trust in Fatemi which aroused others' jealousy.

 

-Did he take shelter among the Qashqais?

No, not at all. They did propose to shelter him but Fatemi did not believe in their trustworthiness. Fatemi shared this view with Mossadeq. They believed that they [the Qashqais] would not bear the burden of power and would be carried away with it. If they took power they would change their behavior, they believed. Yes, they were nationalists but not as honest and straightforward as Fatemi and Mossadeq were.

 

-So where did he find shelter in those two or three days?

In the first two days, he went to the house of some friends. One of them was Dr. Reza whose house was not known to anyone. He was a member of the national resistance front. On the third day, he went to the house of Mr. Tavangar and stayed there for a while. The host was once a founding member of the socialist party in Iran. He could be considered a leftist sometimes. He was related to the guys. For the next two or three months, Fatemi was sheltered by former members of the Mass Party where no one could have guessed.

 

-Did you think that the coup would be reignited?

Yes, definitely. Because we knew about the latest developments in the national resistance campaign and we knew about their prowess and their social status. During the first month of Mehr (7th month in Iranian calendar), Mr. Zanjani asked the people to shutter the market. And they did so even though he was not that much famous. They then captured him and took him to this guy named Teimour Bakhtiar. He asked the cleric if he had ordered the people to close the market and he said yes. "I am the servant of my Imam and you are the servant of the Shah. Let everyone do their job," Zanjani told Bakhtiar which infuriated him. They also detained me for nearly 40 days

 

-How did the national resistance campaign react to Fatemi's closed hearing?

We objected that the court was not competent enough for trying Fatemi neither was the court which tried Mossadeq. Supposing that the court was competent enough for trying Fatemi, his death sentence shall not have been implemented while he was still sick. They buried his body in Shahre-Rey thanks to a request from Fatemi's sister. I attended his funeral in the city. He was buried beside the martyrs of Tir 30 event. Only his sister was present from his family. His wife stayed at home.

 

-Is anything known about his family during the period between and coup and Fatemi's execution?

Nothing. However, Zanjani was in contact with his sister and her son, Saeid Fatemi.

 

-Was Fatemi the only person to be executed after the coup?

No, they also killed Karimpour Shirazi by burning!

 

-But he was not a state guy. Among the states people they only killed Fatemi. Was he considered guiltier than Mossadeq?

Yes.

 

-Because of his fiery tone against the Shah?

No, because his speeches were very popular and could change the society unlike Mossadeq who never disrespected the Shah in his speeches. Never. There were two guys like Mossadeq in their rhetoric: one was himself and the other one was Dr. Sediqi. I once asked him about his respect from Mr. Sediqi and told me that history must judge the goodness or badness of people and "I will not inveigh him at all."

But Fatemi would not hesitate to use abusive remarks against the Shah. Shah personally had a liking towards Fatemi and had intended to attract him but had failed. After the first failed coup when the Shah returned to Iran, he had said he would imprison Mossadeq and execute Fatemi. In fact, the whole trial was a show. The decisions had already been made. So as soon as they captured Fatemi they killed him. Shah had felt that he could cause troubles in the Iranian society given the charisma he had built for himself.

 

-How did the society react to Fatemi's death?

The society was frustrated at the news. The Mass Party said: Had he joined us, we could have set his free from the prison; alas, he never joined us.



 
Number of Visits: 4516


Comments

 
Full Name:
Email:
Comment:
 

Attack on Halabcheh narrated

With wet saliva, we are having the lunch which that loving Isfahani man gave us from the back of his van when he said goodbye in the city entrance. Adaspolo [lentils with rice] with yoghurt! We were just started having it when the plane dives, we go down and shelter behind the runnel, and a few moments later, when the plane raises up, we also raise our heads, and while eating, we see the high sides ...
Part of memoirs of Seyed Hadi Khamenei

The Arab People Committee

Another event that happened in Khuzestan Province and I followed up was the Arab People Committee. One day, we were informed that the Arabs had set up a committee special for themselves. At that time, I had less information about the Arab People , but knew well that dividing the people into Arab and non-Arab was a harmful measure.
Book Review

Kak-e Khak

The book “Kak-e Khak” is the narration of Mohammad Reza Ahmadi (Haj Habib), a commander in Kurdistan fronts. It has been published by Sarv-e Sorkh Publications in 500 copies in spring of 1400 (2022) and in 574 pages. Fatemeh Ghanbari has edited the book and the interview was conducted with the cooperation of Hossein Zahmatkesh.

Is oral history the words of people who have not been seen?

Some are of the view that oral history is useful because it is the words of people who have not been seen. It is meant by people who have not been seen, those who have not had any title or position. If we look at oral history from this point of view, it will be objected why the oral memories of famous people such as revolutionary leaders or war commanders are compiled.